ARMED-M
__________________________________________________________________________________________
The
Armed M is a publication of the 2nd Amendment SIG, a special interest group of
American Mensa Ltd. Opinions
expressed herein are the opinions of the writers, and not of American Mensa,
Ltd., which has no opinions. This
newsletter is linked to the Mensa web page WWW.Mensa.org as WWW.webcatt.com/2ndAmend_SIG
===============================================================================
DEC,
2001
I have moved and am now in Wilmington North Carolina.
My E-Mail address is Smith13@att.net.
I can always use contributions to the newsletter.
If you write something or find something e-mail it to me I'll put it
in the newsletter as space and theme allows.
Bob Smith -----
I
have been having problems with ATT Internet service.
They put a sieve on e-mail limiting address to twenty-five.
I couldn’t just split the mailing list because by anti virus does not
like sending repeat messages. I
think I have it all fixed.
The
lies about guns are in many ways similar to the lies about smoking so I
thought this article might be appropriate.
CENTER-RIGHT,
a free weeklyish e-newsletter of centrist, conservative, and libertarian ideas
Issue 62, May 24, 1999
"The
Granddaddy of All Tobacco Lies" (by Jeff Jacoby, from the Boston Globe,
May 10, 1999)
A
newspaper ad, full-page. Stark
background. Large type.
"Cigarettes kill more Americans every year than car wrecks, plane
crashes, AIDS, alcohol, drugs, suicides and homicides combined."
It's
a terrifying statistic. Good
thing it's not true.
Of
all the falsehoods hammered home in the War on Tobacco, none is more pervasive
than the one about the body count: 400,000
deaths from smoking per year. Over
and over we have been told that smoking is not just unhealthy, but massively
and catastrophically lethal. Elizabeth Whelan, president of the American
Council on Health and Science: "If
every single day two filled-to-capacity jumbo jets crashed -- killing all on
board -- the death toll would not approach that accounted for each year by
cigarette smoking." Bill
Novelli, founder of the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids:
"If you want to draw a hierarchy of harms or social problems,
you'd probably end up putting tobacco on top.
Tobacco is like an atomic bomb on the horizon."
William Foege, former director of the Centers for Disease Control:
"It is quite predictable that in the coming years the annual
global death toll of tobacco will equal the total death toll of the Holocaust
in Nazi Germany."
Ghastly
as such rhetoric is, worse is on the way.
The $246 billion tobacco settlement will be used, in part, to fund even
more antismoking propaganda. From
print ads, from billboards, from radio and TV, the message will be pounded at
you: Tobacco, the worst of all
killers, slaughters 400,000 Americans every year.
Except
that it doesn't.
"To
be blunt," write Robert Levy and Rosalind Marimont, "there is no
credible evidence that 400,000 deaths per year -- or any number remotely close
to 400,000 -- are caused by tobacco. The
damage from cigarettes is far less than it is made out to be."
Levy
is an expert in law and finance who teaches statistics at Georgetown
University Law Center. Marimont
is a mathematician and scientist who spent 37 years at the National Institute
of Standards and Technology and the National Institute of Health. If you read nothing else about smoking this year, read their
article Lies, Damned Lies, & 400,000 Smoking-Related Deaths in the new
issue of Regulation, a quarterly journal published by the Cato Institute.
What
Levy and Marimont call "the granddaddy of all tobacco lies" comes
from a 1993 report of the Centers for Disease Control, which estimated that
419,000 Americans had died in 1990 of diseases attributable to smoking.
A disease was attributed to smoking if the risk of dying from it was
greater for smokers than for nonsmokers.
But here's the rub -- one of several rubs, actually:
the CDC included in its death toll diseases for which the relative risk
to smokers was statistically insignificant.
It
is reasonable to claim that a smoker's lung cancer death was smoking-related,
inasmuch as a smoker is 23 times more likely to die of that disease than a
nonsmoker. But it is not
reasonable to make the same claim for cancer of the pancreas, since the
relative risk of that disease for smokers is minuscule -- between 1.1 and 1.8.
(I.e., a smoker isn't even twice as likely as a nonsmoker to contract
pancreatic cancer.) The National
Cancer Institute, in guidelines quoted by Levy and Marimont, cautions against
relying on relative risks of less than 2.
"Such increases may be due to chance, statistical bias, or effects
of confounding factors not evident."
Apply
that rule to the CDC's 419,000 tobacco-related deaths, and 39 percent of them
-- 164,000 -- disappear. A smoker
who dies from pancreatic cancer (or a dozen other diseases on the CDC list
with relative risks of less than 2), is not a victim of tobacco. To call him one is to engage in sophistry, not science.
Another
statistical trick built into the smoking body count is the failure to correct
for other variables. Tobacco use
is not the only difference between Americans who smoke and Americans who
don't. Levy and Marimont note
that smokers tend to be people, who also drink too much, exercise too little,
eat fewer green vegetables, and have less money.
"Each of those factors can be a `cause´ of death from a so-called
smoking-related disease," they write, "and each must be
statistically controlled for if the impact of a single factor, like smoking,
is to be reliably determined."
Controlling
for just two of those differences -- income and alcohol consumption -- reduces
the tobacco toll by another 53,000. Take
the other factors into account and it would go lower still.
But the CDC and the surgeon general treat those factors as irrelevant.
"If a smoker who is obese; has a family history of high
cholesterol, diabetes, and heart problems; and never exercises dies of a heart
attack, the government attributes his death to smoking alone."
By
that logic, one could just as easily show that 504,000 Americans die yearly
from failure to exercise, or that 649,000 die from bad nutrition.
Like the supposed 400,000 smoking-related victims, say Levy and
Marimont, these are "computer-generated phantom deaths, not real
deaths."
There's
more. For all the talk of
protecting children, the average age of death from a smoking-related illness
is 72. Measured by years of life
lost, smoking is a much smaller problem than alcohol consumption.
The number of young people killed by smoking is -- zero.
All this and more Levy and Marimont calmly explain.
Their lucid article provides a fine corrective to the ever more
hysterical tone of the antitobacco crusade.
You may wish to lay in a copy.
Jeff
Jacoby is a columnist for the Boston Globe.
CENTER-RIGHT
is edited by Eugene Volokh, who teaches constitutional law, copyright law, and
a seminar on firearms regulation at UCLA Law School (http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh),
and organized with the help of Terry Wynn and the Federalist Society (http://www.fed-soc.org).
(by
Walter Olson of the Manhattan Institute, from Reason Magazine)
An "island of liberty and harmony in a sea of dictatorship and
discord" and "a citadel of peace through stormy centuries," to
quote a 1938 New York Times analysis; "it is a land of hard work and
frugal habits, of justice and cleanness and tolerance, of the very essence of
live-and-let-live" -- and, not incidentally, the bulwark of free-market
capitalism in Europe. To say that Switzerland enjoyed a favorable
reputation in America until recently would be to understate matters.
Today, after a relentless and astonishingly one-sided media campaign, there is
scarcely a horror tale about the Swiss too extreme or absurd to be picked up
in the press.
The assault began with widely circulated allegations -- the truth is less clear-cut than news reports have made it sound -- that Swiss banks swallowed great sums deposited in private accounts by victims of the Holocaust. (At press time, Swiss banks had reached a tentative agreement to settle those allegations, and avert threatened sanctions, by paying more than $1 billion.)
Picking up its own momentum, the indictment soon expanded into a depiction of the Swiss as a nation of heartless profiteers, "Hitler's silent partners," working to advance the Nazi cause without being shot at. In June the Los Angeles-based Simon Wiesenthal Center made worldwide headlines by issuing a report claiming that pro-Nazi activity "thoroughly saturated...the core of Swiss society." Teenagers now grow up hearing that the Swiss spent World War II rooting for the Axis powers.
Now Stephen Halbrook, an attorney and well-known Second Amendment expert (he's the author of 1984's That Every Man Be Armed), has taken a much-needed look at the Swiss wartime record in a new book titled "Target Switzerland: Swiss Armed Neutrality in World War II." The book not only provides a starting point for all future discussions of Switzerland's military role in the war, but also makes an interesting contribution to the literature on both federalism and gun rights; according to Halbrook, Switzerland's traditions of extreme decentralization and of a well-armed populace played a key role in preserving its freedom in an hour of peril.
As Halbrook reminds us, the American Founders often cited Switzerland as an example of the kind of nation they hoped to build on these shores. They admired its survival for centuries as a democracy amid tyrannies of every kind, following its birth in 1291 as the result of a peasant revolt in the remote fastnesses of the Alps.
In 1774, during an unsuccessful attempt to urge Quebec to join the colonists' cause, the Continental Congress pointed to the Swiss federalist model, under which an unassuming central government let diverse cantons go their own way, with religious differences set aside: "Their union is composed of Roman Catholic and Protestant States, living in the utmost concord and peace with one another and thereby enabled, ever since they bravely vindicated their freedom, to defy and defeat every tyrant that has invaded them." Said Patrick Henry: "Let us follow their example, and be happy".
Switzerland virtually invented the policy of "armed neutrality": It started no wars and sought no empire, but defended itself with ferocity when attacked. This policy committed it to staying out of other nation's quarrels and trading with all belligerents to the extent permitted by circumstance.
The rise of modern nationalism, with its presumption that national boundaries should reflect commonalities of language and lineage, posed a direct challenge to the reasons for Switzerland's existence. Only historical accident, it seemed to nationalist thinkers, separated Swiss Germans (the majority) from the mass of Germans. By the same logic Swiss French clearly belonged with their fellow French-speakers and Swiss Italians with Italy.
By the late 1930s, Nazi cartographers were provocatively including German-speaking Swiss cantons in their maps of Grossdeutschland. The Swiss Federal Council replied as follows: "we reject the concept of race or common descent as the basis of a state and as the factor determining political frontiers." The Swiss "national idea", said the council, rests instead on a "spiritual decision" to commit to certain values, of which the most important, it added pointedly, were federalism, democracy, and "respect for the dignity of the individual."
Anti-Semitism, rife in much of Europe, found Helvetic soil far less friendly. In 1941 Contemporary Jewish Record, a publication of the American Jewish Committee, observed that "there is no anti-Jewish movement in Switzerland worthy of such designation." "Anti-Semitism is simply intolerance," declared an official 1943 pamphlet issued by the Swiss Army, terming it a form of "foreign propaganda" that "tears at the roots of our democratic way of thinking."
Swiss authorities prosecuted and suppressed numerous Nazi-front organizations, arresting or deporting their leadership, who were often German nationals resident in Switzerland. The "bulk of news reporting in [Swiss] broadcasting and the press is anti-German," lamented one high Nazi official. "Germany has no good press in Switzerland." Dependent on coal from Germany, Switzerland went on trading with the Germans long after Hitler's evil had become apparent -- as indeed did the United States until Pearl Harbor. Much to the scandal of today's retroactive moralists, Switzerland also traded extensively in gold with both Axis and Allies. That led to some strange results, since in many cases the two sides were aware that, once the role of the Swiss as middlemen was stripped out, they were in effect trading with each other. Matters worsened when France fell in 1940 and Switzerland found itself entirely surrounded by the Axis, which exercised veto power on its exports and imports. Today's revisionists presumably blame the Swiss for not launching a futile attack on the surrounding Axis, or -- what is much the same thing -- pompously proclaiming sanctions against it.
Yet the Allies had ample reason to be glad of Swiss neutrality, which provided many advantages for them -- especially given the alternative of simply letting the Axis occupy and plunder the Swiss economy, as it had done with so many small countries'. Switzerland never let the Germans use its roads or rails for military transport, which deprived Hitler of natural logistic routes for his Italian campaign. Luftwaffe planes intruding on Swiss air space could expect dogfights, and many were downed.
The Nazis developed a full ideological critique of Swiss obstinacy. Nazi theorist Ewald Banse accused the German Swiss of "calculating materialism" and "unlimited self-reliance" and said their aloofness from their fellow ethnic Germans arose from a "belief, doubtless justified in the Middle Ages but long since obsolete, that liberty and equality -- those most sacred of human possessions -- are at stake." Hitler himself denounced the Swiss repeatedly as "despicable and wretched", "misbegotten", "renegades", "repugnant", "a pimple on the face of Europe" which "cannot be allowed to continue". (Stalin couldn't stand them either.)
The Fuehrer despised their purely defensive military philosophy: "An army whose only goal is to secure peace" is craven, he said. "In addition to all the other characteristics of the Swiss that Hitler disliked," Halbrook adds, "he hated them because of their free market capitalism, which he associated with Judaism." The ever-abusive Voelkischer Beobachter resorted to the epithet "Berg-Semiten": mountain Jews.
Again and again, Hitler ordered his generals to draw up plans to invade Switzerland -- but never followed through. Why didn't he? One reason was that military crises elsewhere kept intervening. But another was Switzerland's convincing, if purely defensive, military posture. German troops referred to Switzerland as a porcupine (Stachelschwein); the Swiss air force comprised 250 planes, none of them bombers. The most famous element of Swiss defense were the sabotage plans: At the moment of German invasion the Simplon and St. Gotthard tunnels would be blown up, as well as all bridges over the Rhine, power stations and air fields. Avalanches and landslides would be set off to block armor and infantry movement.
Another key deterrent factor, Halbrook suggests, was Switzerland's tradition of a popular army -- "the people in arms." At one point an astonishing 20 percent of the Swiss population was under arms, a figure unheard of in a modern country officially at peace -- or even most countries at war.
Every Swiss home had a rifle. Sharpshooting was and is the national sport; each weekend the hills are alive with the sound of gunfire, with fathers delighting in instructing their kids in proper technique. Swiss youths were trained to shoot at 300 meters, Germans at 100. German generals had to consider the example of the Finns, another small nation of skiers and riflemen who had recently held off a Russian invasion far more tenaciously than outsiders expected.
Finally, Swiss defensive preparations drew strength from an unrivaled display of the spirit of resistance. Soldiers were ordered to hold their positions to the last cartridge and then fight on with bayonets. Secret munitions caches were distributed through the countryside, and the populace was trained in how to organize partisan warfare.
Unlike any other country in Europe, Halbrook says, Switzerland proclaimed that any reports that the federal council or army high command had agreed to surrender were to be ignored as inventions of enemy propaganda. This remarkable policy tied the leadership's own hands for the sake of maximum deterrent effect, and was thinkable only in a nation where long decentralization had distributed the spirit of initiative far and wide.
By way of contrast, "Hitler was able to conquer much of Europe by bluffing the central authority of various countries into capitulation," as when the Belgian king surrendered at a point where many of his countrymen would have preferred to fight on. "Switzerland was the only country in Europe that had no political leader with the authority to surrender the people to the Nazis."
Halbrook's is not the only voice being raised to correct recent misreporting. When the Wiesenthal Center's report came out in June, Switzerland's own Jewish community dismissed it as outrageous and ridden with errors. The Basel-based Juedische Rundschau criticized its "exaggerations and falsifications", while the head of the Swiss Confederation of Hebrew Congregations found the report "one-sided and exaggerated." "The Swiss Nazis were weak in numbers," pointed out Zurich's Israelitisches Wochenblatt. "In the parliament in Bern they had exactly one seat for four years." Most embarrassingly, Simon Wiesenthal himself, the famed Nazi-hunter after whom the center was named, disavowed the report as biased and inaccurate.
The book doesn't take up the controversy over wartime bank deposits, which deserves its own book (and column). And no one would deny that there are serious dark spots in the Swiss wartime record, including the actions of a wartime Justice Minister who tilted refugee-acceptance policy away from fleeing German Jews, and some defeatist pronouncements by the (fortunately, mostly ceremonial) Swiss federal President.
But the more balanced view remains Winston Churchill's. "I put this down for the record," wrote Churchill to Anthony Eden in a December 1944 memo reprinted in Triumph and Tragedy. "Of all the neutrals Switzerland has the greatest right to distinction. What does it matter whether she has been able to give us the commercial advantages we desire or has given too many to the Germans to keep herself alive? She has been a democratic State, standing for freedom in self-defense among her mountains, and in thought, in spite of race, largely on our side."
CENTER-RIGHT
is edited by Eugene Volokh, who teaches constitutional law, copyright law, and
a seminar on firearms regulation at UCLA Law School (http://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/volokh),
and organized
with the help of Terry Wynn and the Federalist Society (http://www.fed-soc.org/).
Division
Overview
Division
of Licensing
Florida Department of State
Katherine Harris, Secretary of State
News & Reports
HOME
NEWSLETTERS
MEETINGS
REPORTS
NOTICES
"Concealed
Carry" States Updated November 1, 2001
The Division of Licensing has been seeking confirmation from the
licensing authorities and attorneys general in the other 49 states to
determine which states will acknowledge the validity of Florida Concealed
Weapon/Firearm licenses, thereby allowing mutual recognition of licenses under
Florida's new law. The following states have acknowledged our inquiry. This
mutual recognition applies only to licenses issued under Section 790.06, F.S.
and does not apply to Florida Statewide Firearm Licenses, Class "G",
issued under Section 493.6115, F.S.
That
WILL HONOR Florida Licenses
Alabama (1,5)
Alaska (1)
Arkansas (1)
Georgia (1)
Idaho (1)
Indiana (1)
Kentucky
Louisiana (1)
Michigan (1,4)
Mississippi (1)
Montana
New Hampshire (1,4)
North Dakota (1,3)
Pennsylvania (1,6)
Tennessee (1)
Texas (1)
Utah (1)
Vermont (1,2)
Wyoming (1)
THOSE
WILL not HONOR Florida Licenses:
Arizona
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Hawaii
Illinois
Iowa
Kansas
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Minnesota
Missouri
Nebraska
Nevada
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
SPECIAL
NOTES
1)
These states' laws allow for concealed carry of handguns only, NOT
"WEAPONS" IN GENERAL.
(2)
The State of VERMONT does not issue weapons/firearms licenses. The law in
Florida, however, is quite clear: an out-of-state resident must have in his or
her immediate possession a valid license to carry a concealed weapon or
concealed firearm issued to the nonresident in his or her state esidence.
Therefore, residents from Vermont do not have the right to carry their
concealed weapons/firearms in Florida, while Florida citizens do have that
right in Vermont.
(3)
Under NORTH DAKOTA law a citizen 18 years of age or older may possess a
concealed weapons permit. While Florida will recognize the validity of North
Dakota licenses, it will not extend the right to carry to North Dakota
citizens under the age of 21. Licensing officials in North Dakota have
notified their licensees of this exception in order to avoid the possibility
of criminal charges being filed against underage violators.
(4)
MICHIGAN and NEW HAMPSHIRE will not honor non-resident Florida licenses.
(5)
The Attorney General's Office of the State of ALABAMA has indicated that its
"unofficial opinion" is that Alabama will honor non-resident
concealed permits from Florida at this time.
However, he notes that there is some uncertainty as to the limits of
Alabama's reciprocity law as it pertains to non-resident licenses. Pending
clarification by the Alabama Legislature or a decision by an Alabama court, he
urges non-resident licensees to exercise caution. Refer to the Alabama AG's
Web page for the latest information.
(6)
The PENNSYLVANIA Attorney General's Office has notified the Florida Department
of State that it will honor non-resident Florida licenses. However, because of
the restrictive language of Florida's reciprocity law,
WE
CANNOT HONOR NON-RESIDENT PENNSYLVANIA LICENSES.
PLEASE NOTE THE FOLLOWING PROVISIONS! ! !
Citizens
from ONLY those states that have acknowledged our inquiry and have agreed to
honor Florida licenses will be accorded the right of carrying a concealed
weapon/firearm in Florida. Links to these states' firearm statutes have been
provided so that interested citizens can familiarize themselves with the
specific provisions of these laws. Those states identified above under the
heading "States That WILL NOT HONOR Florida Licenses" are the only
states that have responded to the Division's inquiry for confirmation and
declined to honor Florida licenses. HOWEVER, CITIZENS FROM STATES THAT HAVE
NOT ACKNOWLEDGED OUR INQUIRY ALSO DO NOT HAVE CONCEALED-CARRY RIGHTS.
In
some states, licenses are issued by local governments, municipalities, or
boards. FLORIDA WILL NOT HONOR THESE LICENSES UNLESS THE STATE IN WHICH THOSE
LOCAL GOVERNMENTS, MUNICIPALITIES, OR BOARDS ARE LOCATED ACKNOWLEDGES
RESPONSIBILITY FOR RECOGNIZING FLORIDA LICENSES. EXAMPLE: State statutes in
Michigan, Indiana, and New Hampshire delegate the responsibility of concealed
weapon/firearm permit issuance to local government entities. However, state
law provides for the recognition of out-of-state licenses.
Florida law will honor ONLY those out of state licenses issued to a
non-resident by his or her state of residence.
EXAMPLE: If a resident of New York possesses a license issued in New
Hampshire, that resident cannot carry a concealed weapon/firearm in Florida,
(unless, of course, he possesses or obtains a Florida license.) The Division
of Licensing is continuing its efforts to reach those states that have not
responded to our initial inquiry. We
will update this Web page and continue to notify local law enforcement in
Florida as future developments warrant.
TRAVEL
ADVISORY TO FLORIDA CITIZENS
The
Division of Licensing strongly urges concealed firearm/weapon license holders
from Florida to exercise good judgment and caution when traveling out of state
with their concealed weapons. While
gun laws vary dramatically from state to state, the states listed above can
generally be assumed to have gun laws that are at least basically similar to
Florida's.
However,
some states' laws may be more or less restrictive than others.
Specific questions about this matter should be directed to the licensing
authorities or the law enforcement officials in the state of destination.
As a rule, concealed weapon license holders should have their licenses in
their physical possession on their person at all times while carrying a
concealed weapon. Moreover, those
restrictions specified in Section 790.06(12), Florida Statutes, regarding where
a concealed weapon may not be carried should be observed at all times. Be aware
that these types of restrictions may vary from state to state.
790.06(12) – No license issued pursuant to this section shall authorize
any person to carry a concealed weapon or firearm into any place of nuisance as
defined in s. 823.05; any police, sheriff, or highway patrol station; any
detention facility, prison, or jail; any courthouse; any courtroom, except that
nothing in this section would preclude a judge from carrying a concealed weapon
or determining who will carry a concealed weapon in his or her courtroom; any
polling place; any meeting of the governing body of a county, public school
district, municipality, or special district; any meeting of the Legislature or a
committee thereof; any school, college, or professional athletic event not
related to firearms; any school administration building; any portion of an
establishment licensed to dispense alcoholic beverages for consumption on the
premises, which portion of the establishment is primarily devoted to such
purpose; any elementary or secondary school facility; any area
vocational-technical center; any college or university facility unless the
licensee is a registered student, employee, or faculty member of such college or
university and the weapon is a stun gun or non lethal electric weapon or device
designed solely for defensive purposes and the weapon does not fire a dart or
projectile; inside the passenger terminal and sterile area of any airport,
provided that no person shall be prohibited from carrying any legal firearm into
the terminal, which firearm is encased for shipment for purposes of checking
such firearm as baggage to be lawfully transported on any aircraft; or any place
where the carrying of firearms is prohibited by federal law.
Any person who willfully violates any provision of this subsection
commits a misdemeanor of the second degree, punishable as provided in s.
775.082 or s. 775.083
Of
Kids and Guns
Massad
Ayoob
http://www.backwoodshome.com/articles2/ayoob68.html
In
the almost two years since the Columbine tragedy, American police have coined
the term "active shooter." It means, in essence, a crazed gunman who
is at the scene now, murdering people or trying to. As a cop for 27 years by the
time you will read this, I find that terminology poignantly sad. For most of my
life, "active shooter" meant a decent person who actively pursued a
certain healthy hobby.
Like
many of you reading this, I grew up with guns. Also like many of you, I had kids
and guns in the same house when it was my turn to be the parent. This is true of
almost every cop I ever worked with. The officer who leaves his only gun, the
issued service weapon, at his locker when he leaves work and doesn't have a
firearm at home is a rara avis indeed, and probably a young and unseasoned one,
or one who has spent his career safely behind a desk. The cops in the street
learn quickly the reality of violence, and after they've seen enough victims
they say to themselves, "Not me and not mine."
This
is also why most cops leave a gun at home for their significant other when they
are at work. They know best of all that police work is necessarily reactive
rather than proactive. Anyone who says "the police will protect you"
hasn't been a cop. Those of us, who have been, know that we can only respond to
calls for our service. This means, basically, that you have to survive long
enough to call us, and then you have to wait for us to get there.
There
is now great emphasis on passing legislation that will criminalize parents who
make loaded guns accessible to their children. Hey, send me up. One day, off
duty with my kid in a jurisdiction other than my own, we passed a cop who was
struggling on the ground with a violent suspect at the side of the road. As I
pulled over, I handed my loaded 2" .38 Special backup gun to my 11 year old
daughter before I got out of the car and ran back to assist the officer. All
ended well, with no bloodshed. I would do it again tomorrow. The kid was already
trained to an adult standard. It was an emergency. In what the law calls
"the balance of competing harms," it was simply the right thing to do.
If that suspect had overpowered and killed the officer and then killed me, he
wasn't going to leave my kid alive as a witness. She stayed locked in the car,
her finger clear of the trigger of the loaded gun, similar to one with which she
had recently qualified to a police standard. She did the right thing, too.
Each
family has to make their own decision, and it has to be made specifically for
each child, with a ruthlessly honest appraisal of the child 's emotional
stability, maturity, and ability. My father, and his father before him, was
gunfight survivors before I was born. I grew up with firearms. By the age of
nine, I had a .22 rifle, a shotgun, and a Winchester 94 deer rifle hanging on a
rack in my bedroom. At the age of 12, I had a loaded Colt .45 automatic in the
desk drawer in that same bedroom.
My
own children are now 16, and almost 24. Both learned guns early, helping me
clean them at age 5 and shooting at age 6. The elder has been licensed to carry
loaded and concealed since age 18, and it has already saved her in one incident,
with no shots fired. Her attackers fled when they saw her S&W 9mm.
Elder
Brat chose not to have a loaded gun in her own room until she was 18. She has
had one there ever since, except when she was living on a "gun-free"
university campus. Younger Brat at 16 also prefers not to keep a loaded weapon
of her own in her room, but if home alone, knows where the immediately
accessible loaded defense guns are.
I
respect their choices. These young women often entertained their female friends
in their rooms, and didn't want loaded guns accessible to the untrained. When I
was a teenage boy, if my buddies came over we stayed in the living room or the
yard, and if the guys wanted to see my guns, we had my dad clear it with their
dad and all could go to an appropriate range together. My daughters did the
same: many of their friends found guns fascinating, and Dad always cleared it
with the parents before the trip to the gun club. It all worked out.
Access
to loaded weapons requires training, skill, and already-demonstrated adult
levels of responsibility. My kids fit the latter. What struck me most was that
each of them became the ones their peers came to for advice when they were in
trouble. Skills? My first-born, Cat, won her first pistol match against adult
men at age 11, and at 19 earned High Woman honors at the National Tactical
Invitational. My second daughter, Justine, was 13 when she won the National
Junior Handgun Championship Parent/Child Team with only a little help from her
dad.
Kids
and defense guns. In 2000, a maniac
with a pitchfork broke into a home occupied by a bunch of kids guarded by a
young teenage girl. She tried to reach her parents' gun for defense, but it was
locked and inaccessible. She jumped out a window and ran to a neighbor's house,
telling him what happened and begging him for a gun. Aghast, he kept her there
as he called the police. When the cops’ came-and finally killed the homicidal
maniac-it was too late to save the little ones.
I
remember the little boy who killed the man who otherwise would have beaten his
mother to death, using the mom's little pistol that he snatched from her desk
drawer. I remember the youth who used a .22 rifle to kill the pit bull that was
trying to bite his little sister to death. And I remember the 12-year-old whose
father trusted him to have his own .22 revolver in his bedroom. It saved the
boy's life when the estranged lover of the father's new girlfriend broke into
the house and killed the older son and the girlfriend and shot the father and
left him for dead. When the mass murderer came to the 12-year-old’s room, the
boy's gunfire killed the murderous home invader, saving the kid's life.
We
who own firearms have to live up to the responsibility of keeping them out of
the hands of the irresponsible. That is patently obvious. But, once it is said,
there are times when responsible young people will face life-threatening crisis
and have to act like adults to save innocent lives. That can only happen if the
child who has lived up to adult standards of responsibility and prudence has
access to an adult level of power to stop the harm.
It
is not an easy question, and it never will be. I will never suggest that all
children have access to deadly weapons. That would be madness. But, once they
had been specifically trained in the responsibility attendant to them-not just
gun safety per se, but the ability to make what cops call "the deadly force
decision"-I did entrust my own responsible children with that power.
And
those responsible children never gave me cause to regret it. Fate, however, gave
me reason to be glad I had done so.
I
will stand by the decision I made ... as you will have to stand by yours.
---------
Massad
Ayoob is a police officer and gun expert who writes extensively about gun
issues.